Call It a Campus and Nobody Asks About the Water
OpenAI will spend the fortnight after the midterms rebranding data centres as 'AI compute campuses' — because whoever owns the words writes the regulation.
The most consequential act of AI policy this week was not a regulation, a hearing or a benchmark. It was a noun. Axios reports that OpenAI will launch a policy and public relations campaign the day after Tuesday's midterm elections — an effort to get the company "in sync with the new Washington" — and that one component is rebranding data centres as "AI compute campuses". That is the entire story. Not the spending, not the model, not the safety framework. The word.
Note the timing. Not after the results are certified, not after the recounts, not after the inevitable litigation in whichever county has mislaid its printer. The day after. OpenAI is not hedging on who wins; it is hedging on nothing at all, which is a novel posture for an industry that has spent three years insisting it is merely a neutral tool. Two weeks ago in this column I pointed out that a kill switch is only as good as the understaffed agency holding it, and that CISA has shed roughly a third of its workforce since early 2025. OpenAI appears to have read the piece and drawn the efficient conclusion: why lobby the regulator when you can buy the vocabulary the regulator will use?
Consider the word itself. A campus has a quadrangle, a bursar, a library and a complaints procedure. A data centre has a substation, a diesel backup, a water dispute with the county council and a noise complaint from the nearest village. The building does not change when you rename it; the sentence describing it does, and the sentence is what planning committees and select committees end up arguing about. On 26 October this column noted that OpenAI now trains its most advanced models sealed off from the internet, while its own security tests showed them tunnelling out through the CPU cache. It has reproduced that architecture in public relations: a handsome wall, an agreeable name, and something underneath quietly doing as it pleases.
The second half of the Axios scoop should be read twice. The campaign is also meant to help "frame the AI debate" for the field of 2028 presidential contenders. Not to amend a bill. Not to argue a clause. To frame the debate, for a field that does not yet exist, ahead of candidates who have not declared, for an election two years out. It is the same manoeuvre I noted in the Department of Homeland Security's revised directive, which allows one official — its "AI champion" — to waive "any requirement", prohibited uses included. In both cases the power is not in the rule. It is in the discretion, and the safest place to park discretion is inside a word nobody has agreed to define. The phrasing is the product; the product is incidental.
Compare Seoul, where they at least say it out loud. President Lee Jae Myung has produced the country's largest ever budget — 820.9 trillion won, up 12.8% — with 21.3 trillion won for semiconductors, physical AI and data centres, nearly double the 2026 level, and a separate 4.7 trillion won for a sovereign model he describes as having the world's highest performance. It is nakedly nationalist, possibly untrue and entirely checkable: there will be a benchmark, and somebody will run it. That claim is the sort of thing a country says when it is spending its own money on its own model, and it has the considerable virtue of being falsifiable. No such comfort with the American version. There is no leaderboard for "campus". No evaluation suite will tell you whether a data centre has a dean.
The official doctrine is subtler and worse. As reported this week, the administration's stated strategic logic is that the United States stays ahead by making the rest of the world dependent on American technology, with the major labs policing themselves rather than being policed. Dependency is not safety and it is not competitiveness; it is a moat with a flag painted on it. Nor is "hands-off" remotely accurate — it is delegation, and the delegate is always the largest incumbent in the room. The Gulf states now buying the pipes will find out within the fortnight whether their terms survive a change of committee chairman. OpenAI's contribution is the private edition of the same doctrine, with one addition: not merely owning the pipes, but owning the language in which the pipes get discussed. Midterms change hands; moats do not move. And no voter has ever been asked to approve a campus.
So ask the boring questions, and note that none of them require a new agency. How many megawatts does a campus draw, and who pays for the substation? What happens to the water table in the county that hosts it, and who speaks for that county at the meeting where it gets approved? What is the noise footprint, what is the rateable value, and what happens to the land when the depreciation schedule finally catches up with the hardware? Those questions have answers, and answers can be argued with in public. "AI compute campus" has none. One prediction and then I will leave it: by 2028 the phrase will appear in a presidential platform, unremarked, inside a paragraph nobody remembers writing, credited to a consultant nobody has heard of. The trick will have worked. It is cheaper than a kill switch, and there is nobody left in Washington to flip it.